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Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Printable Version

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RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Nathan Ross - 10-21-2021

(10-21-2021, 06:24 AM)Crispianus Wrote: Dates the harvesting season seems to be early August and were on the stalk... but they may have been from the previous year?

Yes, I would guess the dates were preserved and imported from (?) the Mediterranean.

The grapes might be a different matter - presumably they were fresh. I believe grapes were cultivated in Britain at some point, but perhaps not this early. Would they have been imported from Gaul or the Rhineland, perhaps? In which case it must have been during or after the grape harvest, which begins in August in some places I think and goes on through the autumn.


(10-20-2021, 08:04 PM)Theoderic Wrote: By the Spring of AD61 the territories of the Iceni and the Trinovantes were Roman Provinces run on the Roman Estate System and owned by Rome, not by the tribes, and the locals were tenants. Therefore the corn that was planted in the winter of AD60 actually belonged to Rome.

We don't know when Prasutagus died - we tend to assume it was only a month or two before the revolt, but it could have been several years beforehand and the grievance had gone on since then.

Either way, the Iceni kingdom was a client state while he still lived, and only became a province at some time afterwards. I don't know if the transition was as abrupt as you imply though. The paragraph in Annals that describes what happened (14.31) makes it sound like a more chaotic and haphazard process, and not an entirely legal one either - presumably driven by the 'rapacity' of the procurator Catus. But this could just be Tacitus bashing Roman imperialism again!

"his kingdom was plundered by centurions, his house by slaves, as if they were the spoils of war... the chief men of the Iceni, as if Rome had received the whole country as a gift, were stript of their ancestral possessions... reduced as they now were into the condition of a province, they flew to arms..."

'As if' (velut and quasi) suggests that this was not really the case (true enough!), but 'the condition of a province', or 'the form of a province' (quando in formam provinciae cesserant) might mean that they were not in legal reality a province at this point but Catus and his gang were treating them like one.

So I don't know if we would see a Roman estate system in operation on Iceni territory as early as 60 or 61, or official Roman ownership of Iceni land - whatever was happening seems (if we can believe Tacitus!) to have been local greed and appropriation at this stage, rather than imperial policy.


RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Crispianus - 10-21-2021

(10-21-2021, 10:36 AM)Nathan Ross Wrote:
(10-21-2021, 06:24 AM)Crispianus Wrote: Dates the harvesting season seems to be early August and were on the stalk... but they may have been from the previous year?

Yes, I would guess the dates were preserved and imported from (?) the Mediterranean.

The grapes might be a different matter - presumably they were fresh. I believe grapes were cultivated in Britain at some point, but perhaps not this early. Would they have been imported from Gaul or the Rhineland, perhaps? In which case it must have been during or after the grape harvest, which begins in August in some places I think and goes on through the autumn.

Well September seems to be a favorite which would also fit with the dates... if that is the case then the revolt happened very late, but then if the intention was to take back tribal land and punish the romans by raising colchester to the ground, leaving little time for the roman military to respond before winter firmly got a foot in the door, then september or even a bit later would work.
Maybe the puny force that was sent to police colchester only encouraged them...


RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Renatus - 10-21-2021

(10-20-2021, 11:31 PM)Nathan Ross Wrote: Fascinating! I wonder if any of the food or other traces might tell us more about what time of year the destruction took place, as some people claim about Pompeii?

Soft fruits might provide an answer.  The article in The Colchester Archaeologist refers to earlier finds of evidence for cherries, elderberries, raspberries, plums and sloes.  If these came from securely dated Boudican deposits, they could be significant.

(10-21-2021, 10:11 AM)Theoderic Wrote: It seems from the evidence that the Brythons only wanted to wipe Colchester off the map, throwing the occupying Romans off their lands and didn’t need supplies.

This also supports the theory that their prime objective was Colchester and not an extended campaign at this time, the real prize was getting their land back.

I have always wondered why the inhabitants of Colchester did not fortify the town if they were concerned about being attacked and did not send away its vulnerable citizens including the old, the women and children. It would appear that unusual activity was apparent but that people were reassured. A request for more troops was made, they were sent and arrived but it seems from the description they were not fully armed, so again if there was an imminent threat why weren’t they? 

I don't think there is any great mystery about this.  The sources indicate that the colonists were lured into a false sense of security by forces sympathetic to the revolt:  Tacitus, Ann. 14.32, ' . . . hampered also by covert adherents of the rebellion who interfered with their plans, they neither secured their position by fosse or rampart nor took steps, by removing the women and the aged, to leave only able-bodied men in the place.' (Loeb); Dio, 62.9. 'Neither fear them because they have burned a couple of cities; for they did not capture them by force nor after a battle, but one was betrayed and the other abandoned to them.' (Loeb)

As to the 200 men sent by Catus Decianus, London did not have a garrison at that time and Decianus cobbled together a force from whatever sources he could scratch together and armed them as best he could.  Possibly, some of them, at least, were members of the governor's staff, who had left most of their weaponry in their legionary fortresses and had only their side-arms.

It is highly unlikely that the Trinovantes were so naive as to believe that they had only to reclaim their lands, destroying the colony and slaughtering the veterans in the process, without incurring massive retribution from Suetonius when he returned from Wales.  The only way they could succeed was, in combination with the other tribes, to drive the Romans out of the province.


RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Nathan Ross - 10-21-2021

(10-21-2021, 01:35 PM)Renatus Wrote: The Colchester Archaeologist refers to earlier finds of evidence for cherries, elderberries, raspberries, plums and sloes.  If these came from securely dated...

Yes, good thinking! This page has plums, cherries and raspberries from August, elderberries not till September, all of them into October. Sloes, apparently, are traditonally harvested after the first frost, in October.

So if these fruits (and the grapes we mentioned before) were indeed from the Boudican layer, and were fresh and not preserved, then it's pushing the fall of the colony back into September/October... [Image: shocked.png]


RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Theoderic - 10-21-2021

(10-21-2021, 03:17 PM)Nathan Ross Wrote:
(10-21-2021, 01:35 PM)Renatus Wrote: The Colchester Archaeologist refers to earlier finds of evidence for cherries, elderberries, raspberries, plums and sloes.  If these came from securely dated...

Yes, good thinking! This page has plums, cherries and raspberries from August, elderberries not till September, all of them into October. Sloes, apparently, are traditonally harvested after the first frost, in October.

So if these fruits (and the grapes we mentioned before) were indeed from the Boudican layer, and were fresh and not preserved, then it's pushing the fall of the colony back into September/October... [Image: shocked.png]

If it is the case that it was the end of September / beginning of October that Colchester was burnt, the continuation of the war makes it more likely to run into the following year, with the associated actions. 

Renatus wrote:

As to the 200 men sent by Catus Decianus, London did not have a garrison at that time and Decianus cobbled together a force from whatever sources he could scratch together and armed them as best he could.  Possibly, some of them, at least, were members of the governor's staff, who had left most of their weaponry in their legionary fortresses and had only their side-arms.

It just seems strange to me that if the Colchester inhabitants didn't think that they would be attacked why ask for troops at all? 


Renatus wrote:  [/size]

It is highly unlikely that the Trinovantes were so naive as to believe that they had only to reclaim their lands, destroying the colony and slaughtering the veterans in the process, without incurring massive retribution from Suetonius when he returned from Wales.  The only way they could succeed was, in combination with the other tribes, to drive the Romans out of the province.


If your [size=medium]supposition is correct it would imply that the Brythons were well organised and already had in place agreements with other tribes (apart from the Iceni) for a countrywide insurrection before they attacked Colchester? 



RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Nathan Ross - 10-21-2021

(10-21-2021, 04:46 PM)Theoderic Wrote: If it is the case that it was the end of September / beginning of October that Colchester was burnt, the continuation of the war makes it more likely to run into the following year, with the associated actions.

Indeed it does! And I would say mid October looks more likely, if the evidence of the soft fruit can be taken into consideration.

That presents us with (potentially) a radical rethink of the campaign timeline, with implications (gasp!) for the final battle site...

The revolt would begin in September AD60, after the harvest, with Suetonius Paulinus still detained in North Wales. Colchester would be attacked and conquered and Cerialis defeated in mid October AD60.

Paulinus would march his men down to London - perhaps in cautious stages - in late October and November. The attack on London would then fall perhaps in mid November AD60.

We would then have a hiatus period of several months over the winter, with the rebels holding all of the east and most of the south of Britain, and Paulinus... somewhere else... 'delaying' and trying to gather his troops.

The final battle - which Dio says Paulinus was 'inclined to postpone... to a more convenient season' (he would have prefered to wait until summer?) but decided he had to fight anyway, 'contrary to his judgment' - would then be in spring of AD61, perhaps March. And it could have happened more or less anywhere, although the general area of the Chilterns and the routes west still seems most likely.

The mopping-up campaign with the army 'brought together... to finish the war' would then extend through AD61, with Classicanus's arrival, the mission of Polyclitus, the reinforcements sent from Germany and the loss of the ships all happening at intervals over the summer before the troops go into new winter quarters in early autumn. Shortly after this, Paulinus would be replaced by Turpilianus, in or around September AD61.

(with the Iceni attacking Colchester in October, of course, they would be missing their sowing season for that autumn, and perhaps the following spring as well if the battle happened then. Famine by summer AD61 would be assured...)

Problems with this: 1. Why would Catus Decianus flee to Gaul if London was not under direct threat? 2. Why did Suetonius Paulinus only have 10,000 men at the final battle if several months had passed since his retreat from London, enough time to be reinforced by the entire Twentieth Legion, and for Paulinus to overrule Postumus and summon the Second Legion as well?

[Image: shocked.png]


RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Renatus - 10-21-2021

I was going to deal with one of your earlier posts in a bit of detail, Nathan, but I will tackle your latest now. I don't think there is need for any of this. I now realise that the soft fruit are a red herring. I have found online that the Romans had known for centuries how to preserve fruit by drying. I doubt whether it would be possible to distinguish between fresh and dried fruit, if found archaeologically, so we can get back to a more realistic scenario. You have, of course, hit the nail on the head. If the revolt broke out in autumn but the final battle did not take place until the next year, there is no way that Suetonius would have had only 10,000 men.


RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Theoderic - 10-21-2021

(10-21-2021, 07:44 PM)Renatus Wrote: I was going to deal with one of your earlier posts in a bit of detail, Nathan, but I will tackle your latest now.  I don't think there is need for any of this.  I now realise that the soft fruit are a red herring.  I have found online that the Romans had known for centuries how to preserve fruit by drying.  I doubt whether it would be possible to distinguish between fresh and dried fruit, if found archaeologically, so we can get back to a more realistic scenario.  You have, of course, hit the nail on the head.  If the revolt broke out in autumn but the final battle did not take place until the next year, there is no way that Suetonius would have had only 10,000 men.

Although I love Nathan's new timeline, I am inclined to agree with Michael's (and to be fair Nathan's) 10,000 men concern if Seutonius Paulinus had regrouped and attacked in the following Military Season.....but for a second there....  Cool Idea


RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Nathan Ross - 10-21-2021

(10-21-2021, 07:55 PM)Theoderic Wrote:
(10-21-2021, 07:44 PM)Renatus Wrote: the soft fruit are a red herring... If the revolt broke out in autumn but the final battle did not take place until the next year, there is no way that Suetonius would have had only 10,000 men.
.....but for a second there....  Cool Idea

Hold on though! I can, in fact, answer both of the possible objections I mentioned... [Image: wink.png]

1. Catus Decianus could have fled because he believed he would be blamed for the disaster he had caused 'by his rapacity', and wanted to exonerate himself as soon as possible. Perhaps he also feared the wrath of the provincials, or even of Suetonius himself? Tacitus does not, in any case, explicitly say that he was in danger of imminent attack. He may just have been a coward... But we could hardly blame him for thinking that he was under threat, even if events turned out otherwise.

2. With the province in turmoil over the winter of 60/61, Suetonius Paulinus may have believed that he could not draw men from any of his garrisons in Wales or the west without risking further outbreaks of rebellion in those places. He may also have had his hands full trying to contain such outbreaks across the country... Only in the spring of 61 did he concede that he had to confront and defeat Boudica's main army in order to break the back of the uprising. At that point, the only additional troops available to him were the veterans of the Twentieth and the Second - and the latter's commander refused to leave camp, perhaps feeling that the local situation was still too volatile.

p.s. - can we distinguish between grapes and raisins, archaeologically speaking? The Colchester reports do specify grapes...


RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Renatus - 10-21-2021

(10-21-2021, 04:46 PM)Theoderic Wrote: Renatus wrote:

As to the 200 men sent by Catus Decianus, London did not have a garrison at that time and Decianus cobbled together a force from whatever sources he could scratch together and armed them as best he could.  Possibly, some of them, at least, were members of the governor's staff, who had left most of their weaponry in their legionary fortresses and had only their side-arms.

It just seems strange to me that if the Colchester inhabitants didn't think that they would be attacked why ask for troops at all? 

I think that is easily explained.  They were alarmed by the impending threat and called for help.  Then they were persuaded that their fears were groundless and, accordingly, took no defensive measures.

(10-21-2021, 04:46 PM)Theoderic Wrote: Renatus wrote: 

It is highly unlikely that the Trinovantes were so naive as to believe that they had only to reclaim their lands, destroying the colony and slaughtering the veterans in the process, without incurring massive retribution from Suetonius when he returned from Wales.  The only way they could succeed was, in combination with the other tribes, to drive the Romans out of the province.


If your supposition is correct it would imply that the Brythons were well organised and already had in place agreements with other tribes (apart from the Iceni) for a countrywide insurrection before they attacked Colchester? 

That's what the sources tell us.  Tacitus, Ann. 14.31:  'Impelled by this outrage and the dread of worse to come - for they [the Iceni] had now been reduced to the status of a province - they flew to arms, and incited to rebellion the Trinobantes and others, who, not yet broken by servitude, had entered into a secret and treasonable compact to resume their independence.' (Loeb)


RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Renatus - 10-21-2021

(10-21-2021, 08:12 PM)Nathan Ross Wrote: Hold on though! I can, in fact, answer both of the possible objections I mentioned... [Image: wink.png]

1. Catus Decianus could have fled because he believed he would be blamed for the disaster he had caused 'by his rapacity', and wanted to exonerate himself as soon as possible. Perhaps he also feared the wrath of the provincials, or even of Suetonius himself? Tacitus does not, in any case, explicitly say that he was in danger of imminent attack. He may just have been a coward... But we could hardly blame him for thinking that he was under threat, even if events turned out otherwise.

2. With the province in turmoil over the winter of 60/61, Suetonius Paulinus may have believed that he could not draw men from any of his garrisons in Wales or the west without risking further outbreaks of rebellion in those places. He may also have had his hands full trying to contain such outbreaks across the country... Only in the spring of 61 did he concede that he had to confront and defeat Boudica's main army in order to break the back of the uprising. At that point, the only additional troops available to him were the veterans of the Twentieth and the Second - and the latter's commander refused to leave camp, perhaps feeling that the local situation was still too volatile.

p.s. - can we distinguish between grapes and raisins, archaeologically speaking? The Colchester reports do specify grapes...

Dealing with these points:

1.  I don't think that this is any different from what we have always assumed.

2.  On the traditional scenario, this is exactly what Suetonius did after the battle.  He gave up his Welsh conquests and brought the whole army together, even though numbers of the enemy had escaped and, had Boudica not died, could well have continued with the revolt.  The idea that he would not have gathered a substantial force for the final encounter runs entirely counter to what we know of a cautious general who leaves nothing to chance.  His request for reinforcements was almost certainly made after he had assessed the situation in London and in the knowledge that a large part of the Ninth had been wiped out.  Tacitus implies that they were sent over fairly promptly and went straight into winter quarters, not that they did not arrive until the following summer and waited until autumn before going into winter quarters.  Nor is there any indication in the sources that Suetonius fiddled around over winter dealing with unrecorded local outbreaks.  Indeed, this is quite contrary to Agricola 16: 'Had not Paulinus learned of the stir in the province, and come hastily to the rescue, Britain would have been lost' (Loeb).  Would Boudica have been swanning about idly during that winter?  No, she would have either been consolidating her position and gathering more tribes to her cause or she would have gone home, in which latter case we would have to move the postulated site for the battle to the east side of the country.  There is nothing whatsoever in the sources to suggest that the events described were anything other than a continuous course of action.

p,s.  The photograph in the Colchester Archaeologist article shows the 'grapes' looking more like raisins.  In any event, would it be possible to distinguish raisins from grapes that had shrivelled in a house fire or vice versa?


RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Crispianus - 10-22-2021

(10-21-2021, 10:31 PM)Renatus Wrote:
(10-21-2021, 08:12 PM)Nathan Ross Wrote: Hold on though! I can, in fact, answer both of the possible objections I mentioned... [Image: wink.png]

1. Catus Decianus could have fled because he believed he would be blamed for the disaster he had caused 'by his rapacity', and wanted to exonerate himself as soon as possible. Perhaps he also feared the wrath of the provincials, or even of Suetonius himself? Tacitus does not, in any case, explicitly say that he was in danger of imminent attack. He may just have been a coward... But we could hardly blame him for thinking that he was under threat, even if events turned out otherwise.

2. With the province in turmoil over the winter of 60/61, Suetonius Paulinus may have believed that he could not draw men from any of his garrisons in Wales or the west without risking further outbreaks of rebellion in those places. He may also have had his hands full trying to contain such outbreaks across the country... Only in the spring of 61 did he concede that he had to confront and defeat Boudica's main army in order to break the back of the uprising. At that point, the only additional troops available to him were the veterans of the Twentieth and the Second - and the latter's commander refused to leave camp, perhaps feeling that the local situation was still too volatile.

p.s. - can we distinguish between grapes and raisins, archaeologically speaking? The Colchester reports do specify grapes...

Dealing with these points:

1.  I don't think that this is any different from what we have always assumed.

2.  On the traditional scenario, this is exactly what Suetonius did after the battle.  He gave up his Welsh conquests and brought the whole army together, even though numbers of the enemy had escaped and, had Boudica not died, could well have continued with the revolt.  The idea that he would not have gathered a substantial force for the final encounter runs entirely counter to what we know of a cautious general who leaves nothing to chance.  His request for reinforcements was almost certainly made after he had assessed the situation in London and in the knowledge that a large part of the Ninth had been wiped out.  Tacitus implies that they were sent over fairly promptly and went straight into winter quarters, not that they did not arrive until the following summer and waited until autumn before going into winter quarters.  Nor is there any indication in the sources that Suetonius fiddled around over winter dealing with unrecorded local outbreaks.  Indeed, this is quite contrary to Agricola 16: 'Had not Paulinus learned of the stir in the province, and come hastily to the rescue, Britain would have been lost' (Loeb).  Would Boudica have been swanning about idly during that winter?  No, she would have either been consolidating her position and gathering more tribes to her cause or she would have gone home, in which latter case we would have to move the postulated site for the battle to the east side of the country.  There is nothing whatsoever in the sources to suggest that the events described were anything other than a continuous course of action.

p,s.  The photograph in the Colchester Archaeologist article shows the 'grapes' looking more like raisins.  In any event, would it be possible to distinguish raisins from grapes that had shrivelled in a house fire or vice versa?

There were no defences at Colchester the original fortress ditch had been partly filled in on the east side for the construction of public buildings, there are two forts to consider one at gosbecks (possibly mixed or cavalry) and another at fingeringhoe (port poorly excavated in the 1930s military equipment was found but likely no longer used as a fort) which may have had auxiliarys, Crummy estimates 500men plus 200 reinforcements from london and perhaps as many as 2000 settled legionaires, but no doubt weapons etc would likely be a problem for these...

Thers also evidence of the remains of human bodies in the burnt layer...

The theory is the the temple area was fortified I think there is no archaeological evidence for this though...

What interests me about the dates from WG is they dont stay on the stalk when ripe, so these must have been shipped in an unripe yellow state and may have been unripe still when burnt, interestingly there are two other burnt sites in colchester with dates and these do not appear to have been on the stalk so may have been dried.


RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Theoderic - 10-22-2021

Crispianus wrote:

There were no defences at Colchester the original fortress ditch had been partly filled in on the east side for the construction of public buildings, there are two forts to consider one at Gosbecks (possibly mixed or cavalry) and another at Fingeringhoe (port poorly excavated in the 1930s military equipment was found but likely no longer used as a fort) which may have had auxiliaries, Crummy estimates 500men plus 200 reinforcements from London and perhaps as many as 2000 settled legionarys but no doubt weapons etc would likely be a problem for these...

It seems more and more obvious that even with a huge body of tribes people mustering on their doorstep, the inhabitants of Colchester didn't feel under any threat at all until the very last minute when they retreated to the Temple.

Why would they be unconcerned? There must have been a reason for an officially recognised gathering.

Taking what we know about the speed that a roman army could make on a forced march in extremis, Cerialis could have been there in a day and a half.


RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Renatus - 10-22-2021

(10-22-2021, 10:56 AM)Theoderic Wrote: It seems more and more obvious that even with a huge body of tribes people mustering on their doorstep, the inhabitants of Colchester didn't feel under any threat at all until the very last minute when they retreated to the Temple.

Why would they be unconcerned? There must have been a reason for an officially recognised gathering.

It is clear that they were concerned at one time, otherwise they would not have called for help.  A message had to be sent to Decianus, he had to assemble his meagre force and that had to get to Colchester.  I have speculated that messages were sent out simultaneously to Decianus, Ceriialis and Suetonius but, in fact, Tacitus only refers to the one to Decianus.  If this means that this was the only message, then Decianus, on realising that he could not muster enough men, must have sent out the other messages.  After all, Cerialis must have been informed of the danger by someone.  This creates further scope for delay.  Tacitus states that the colonists did not erect defences or evacuate those who could not contribute to the defence of the colony because those sympathetic to the revolt interfered with their plans.  What were those plans?  Presumably, they concerned the preparation of defences and evacuation.  Tacitus implies that, but for that interference, they could have created some form of defence, so there must have been some time in which to do so.  What story the sympathisers with the revolt spun to the colonists must remain a matter for speculation but one may assume that it involved reassurance that what looked like an ominous gathering of tribespeople was actually nothing out of the ordinary and no cause for concern.


RE: Calling all armchair generals! Boudica's Last Stand. - Nathan Ross - 10-22-2021

(10-21-2021, 10:31 PM)Renatus Wrote: There is nothing whatsoever in the sources to suggest that the events described were anything other than a continuous course of action.

That's the way it reads, yes. But, as we've seen, most reconstructions of what happened have an interval of winter at some point. So there must have been at least one break in the action. Neither Tactitus nor Dio actually tell us how long all of the events they describe took, or whether there were gaps between them, so there may have been several such intervals.

I have suggested in this post a reconstructed timeline that fits all the events into one year, mostly August-October. So it's feasible at a push, but very hurried and not very likely, I would say.

If we accept, as I think we must, that the revolt began in midsummer (Roman campaign season), and either during or after the harvest (which is otherwise unmentioned) then there are two options as I see it:

A. The revolt began in late August. The fall of Colchester, defeat of Cerialis and Paulinus's march to London happened in September, and the final battle in early October. Reinforcements arrived at the very end of the sailing season in late October*. The saga of Classicianus, Polyclitus and the arrival of Turpilianus happened over the spring and summer of the following year.

B. The revolt began in late September. Colchester fell in October and London in November. There was then a winter lull before the final battle the following March and a punitive campaign over the summer. Classicianus, Polyclitus and the reinforcements all turned up before the end of summer. Turpilianus took over in September or so.

On the face of it, I don't see either of these as being inherently less likely than the other. In the second option, I would not imagine Boudica 'swanning about idly' over the winter, but in effect ruling most of southeastern Britain, gathering the much larger army that Dio reports at the final battle, and keeping her people fed.

Nor was Paulinus 'fiddling around', I imagine, but rather organising troops and supplies, scouting the enemy positions, and perhaps engaging in the kind of low level skirmish warfare suggested by Dio's note that 'the enemy pressed relentlessly upon him'. I think the registering of delays and postponements at this point in the accounts of both Tacitus and Dio could indeed connote more than a few days or weeks of hiatus.

Currently, I slightly prefer the second option as it situates both the final battle and the replacement of the governor securely in AD61, whereas in the first version they would fall in different years.

(*Paulinus's report to the emperor from London might arrive in the first days of October. However, Rome would already know of the revolt from Catus Decianus - the procurator was the emperor's man in the province, and part of his job was to send regular reports on all matters, including military ones (as we later find Classicianus reporting unfavourably on Paulinus's ongoing campaign, and the loss of his ships); Decianus would certainly have sent an urgent report as soon as he crossed to Gaul, explaining why he had fled his province and trying to exonerate himself.

A message sent from Boulogne would cover the 1048 miles to Rome (measured accurately, via the Col de Montgenèvre, which is open in September) in 14 days at an average speed of 75 miles per day. The emperor would have received this report some time before hearing from Paulinus, and could already have ordered troops from the Rhine to reinforce Britain.

These reinforcements could cover the 236 miles (measured by the Roman road from Cologne to Boulogne via Maastricht, Tienen and Courtrai) in 13 days at 18 miles a day. With a couple of rests stops on the way they could reach the Channel before the sailing season ends.)


(10-22-2021, 10:56 AM)Theoderic Wrote: Why would they be unconcerned? There must have been a reason for an officially recognised gathering.

This would be your suggestion of a gathering for the Consualia? August 21st, or 18th if we follow Plutarch. Sounds feasible - although we'd have to assume that the Romans compelled the Britons to honour one of their own agricultural dieties, which is probably acceptable.

I've mentioned before somewhere that there are examples from other periods of people failing to react to the threats of local uprisings until the very last moment, particularly if there are those among them determined (for whatever reason) to minimise the danger, or prevent outbreaks of terror and confusion.

We might imagine one of the duumvirs appearing on the steps of the temple to assure everyone that it's a beautiful day, the markets are open, and people are having a wonderful time... [Image: smile.png]