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Ancient army numbers - Printable Version

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Re: Ancient army numbers - Macedon - 07-13-2012

Quote:Sure - this is a claim. But based on what proofs / sources exactly? :twisted:

You know this from what? From... sure, from those Ancient sources which always claim that the winner lost like "10 killed 5 wounded" and the loser "100000000000 killed, 30000000000000 captured and 2232235023542323 wounded" :?: Exactly. :mrgreen:

Or maybe you examined some battlefield and counted skeletons?

Surely not because such well-preserved battlefields do not exist.

I guess from the same sources that make you claim otherwise... You sound like a man who has read ancient/medieval authors even if from translations. The safest way to reach conclusions is to make a list of accounts and compare them, then find some averages. Alternatively, one could just embark on the actual mechanics of pre-gunpowder (and early gun-powder) battles but that would be too engaging and open to too many own opinions. Whatever your approach, this is what all accounts suggest. It is your disagreement that should be explained, not my agreement with them.

Quote:We have more (and more of reliable ones, first of all) contemporary evidences regarding casualties in Medieval battles - which were relatively similar in style to Ancient battles (well, much more similar than battles from any other historical era which came later - after Medieval).

We have actually very few reliable medieval reports, even the Byzantines were unfortunately not as meticulous as the ancients in that department. Furthermore, the conditions of western/northern European medieval battles (or battles where western/northern European medieval armies took part) are not similar to that of ancient battles. Even those of the eastern states are quite, yet not that, different. Reliable accounts arise later, in the pike and musket period.

Quote:Arrian was a historian - not a military commander. And historians often now nothing what is realistic and what is not in warfare. This is true also in our modern times. That some guy considered something as realistic doesn't mean that it was indded.

Now you make me wonder... Arrian was also a governor and a military commander. His Ektaxis kat' Alanon is one of the most valuable texts of the period militarywise. You could have looked it up before commenting. Plus, I have been very clear in that what is realistic is not necessarily true. Yet, when something sounds realistic to someone who knows about things, then one should not wonder about the possibility. The possibility existed. Whether Dareius did amass such numbers is practically impossible to say, yet, according to Arrian, he could have.

Quote:This is not true.

At least not for Medieval or Early Modern Era battles (more similar to Ancient battles than anything later - because battles from both these eras consisted of many casualties suffered from melee weapons or pre-gunpowder missile weapons). The ratio of wounded to killed was like 1:1 or at most 2:1.

You are probably counting among the dead those that died from their wounds. What you claim is wrong according to the sources. What is a fact is that a good many of the wounded actually lost their lives from conditions relative to their wounds.

Quote:"Many times more" wounded than killed is something typical for 19th century battles (as well as WW1 of 1914 - 1918). But in battles where close combat was the main killer usually the number of wounded was not much bigger than the number of killed.

Of course among casualties from arrows this proportion was more in favour of wounded, since wounds inflicted by arrows were typically not so lethal (unless we are talking about some more advanced types of bows - for example the "great bows" which were used by some Persian units at Gaugamela - for example by Mardian archers - those bows were reported in those ancient sources to be capable of piercing shields and armour - another fact which disproves Arrian casualty number of 100 Macedonians killed).


You probably have a "medieval" or "homeric" view of close combat. Fighting in line has nothing to do with single combat. Most of those wounded would have fallen in their blood and would not instantly die. It is not that easy to outright kill a man with an axe, sword or spear. Once a man of the line was wounded by a stone, an arrow, a dagger, a spear-point etc, he would be dragged or just walked behind unless he was that valorous and hardy that he would just keep on. I doubt you or I can instantly kill a man with an axe or sword if we only hit him on his arms or legs as would be the majority of wounds.

Where exactly is such a thing said about Mardian bows? Can it be that you mistake them for the Carduchians? Or the Scythian bows used against Crassus? Anyways, archery, especially when from horseback was never especially effective as to cause deaths. I doubt that such a claim disproves Arrian... Should you be right then 1,000 Mardian archers whose arrows only 10% of the time pierced armor and shield, should cause something like 500 wounds/deaths per minute... Let's say half that... 250 (5% success, not that much, hey?). In just 10 minutes 2,500... in an hour 15,000... there goes the Macedonian infantry, victim of just 1,000 archers... No Peter, bows were not that effective in such battles.

Quote:No - I don't think that the Companions suffered only a small portion of total casualties.

But you missed one important fact apparently - that they suffered those 60 killed just in one engagement, not in entire battle. Both before that clash and after that clash they were involved in other fightings. So 60 killed refers just to one fight, not to entire battle - both before that fight and after that fight there must have been further killed among the Companions.

Not in a single action. A series of actions that was in fact the whole melee action of the battle. And it is important that Arrian did think that these casualties were substantial, not average, for a melee action that involved 2,500 Hetairoi among others.


Re: Ancient army numbers - Macedon - 07-13-2012

Quote:I know this mate.

But when I read description of a battle, I get some picture of how many casualties could be sustained in that battle by each side. And in case of Gaugamela in all existing original (Ancient) descriptions of this battle, there are mentioned various "episodes" of this battle, in which some Macedonian units must have suffered considerable casualties. Just to mention Greek mercenary / allied cavalry being defeated on both flanks by enemy cavalry, or to mention Macedonian baggage train being attacked and largely slaughtered by Persian cavalry which before that broke through Macedonian lines (Arrian, III, 14). And many other similar episodes. It did not went completely smoothly for the Macedonians and many Persian units fought to the last man and did not collapse like their king and many other units.

Where? The only other place where many more casualties should be expected is in the Macedonian camp, if the few guards left put up resistance. The Thessalians and the left flank were hard-pressed, that did not mean that they sustained many (even more than a few) deaths. Wounds, certainly. In no place did the Persians break the enemy, there was a gap that is reported to have formed but that was not a break per se. There is no flight of Greeks. The fact that the Persians skirmished against the Greeks was a very wise tactic. Darius hoped to trap the infantry in the plains and encircle it with cavalry. Had he beaten the Greek cavalry he would have succeeded. Had he the time, this is what would have happened. This is why Alexander rushed to the attack. There was no way his cavalry could endure endless traditional cavalry engagements, eventually they would flee and the infantry would have been trapped, unable to ever reach the Persian foot and ensure victory as was the case at Issus.

Quote:But who is throwing the whole Greek historiography out of the window?

I am not for sure. I am basing my claims on Grek historiography - namely on descriptions of the battle from Greek historiography, which describe this battle in such a way that clearly disproves the casualty claims made by the same historiography (again it contradicts itself) - because we can see many episodes in the battle of Gaugamela, which must have produced considerable casualties on the Macedonian side.

Some of them were mentioned above.

Apart from that Greek historiography also tells us that some of Persian archers were armed in "great bows" - as they are called there - which could pierce Macedonian shields and armours. For example Mardian archers had such weapons at their disposal.

Did you notice the "could" part? I am not insisting that Alexander did not sustain more casualties, I also mentioned Diodorus. I claim that he COULD have sustained such few casualties. As for the Mardian bows, again I would like to see the quotes you refer to and I have to say I am extremely reluctant to accept that they would just pierce through the Macedonian shields.

Quote:Any proofs for this claim? That Ancient armies had casualty reporting systems?

By the way - if numbers were from casualty reports, they would not be so round - but detailed (for example 112 not 100 killed) and they would not contradict each other so much (Arrian - 100, Curtius - 300, Diodorus - 500, etc., etc.).

Many... Alexander had his royal ephimeris (something like records of the campaign) and also records were kept meticulously for many reasons. Each man would have been recorded, his rank, his pay, probably also his facial characteristics and things like scars (I have seen such reports for hellenistic conscripts and slaves). The Romans kept such records too. The Greek city states, in their local wars, had to give burial rites, inscribe the names of the dead etc. Apart from the issue of the reliability of these records, the thing is that they were not open to the public. Some historians wrote that they used them, at least what had survived... Do not forget that we have absolutely no first hand account of Alexander's exploits. Ptolemy's and Callisthenes' accounts do not survive... Unfortunately, we only rarely are informed of where the various authors found things, so I cannot with any certainty say that 100 is the number Ptolemy suggested and 500 this of Callisthenes... As far as I am concerned, Arrian says 100, Diodorus says 500, Curtius I simply do not like...

Quote:Please don't apply modern standards to Ancient historians.

I fail to see your point here... What do you mean? What modern standards? And what are these "modern standards" you are referring to? That they would often criticize other authors and sources is a fact. That they maintained that the truth should be their goal is also a fact. What is your objection?

Quote:I think accounts are much more frequently wrong than actual written reports / documents (but again I don't think that Ancient armies had something like casualty reports - considering that the main purpose of reporting casualties is to check how many reinforcements are necessary for each unit, and Alexander was incorporating to his army any reinforcements he could get, without paying much attention how many are "necessary" and how many are not "necessary" - IMO).

So maybe they had those casualty info from accounts of so called "witnesses".

No.. ancient armies were much better organized than you seem to believe. They had to account for the wounded and dead, they were expected to care for the survivors, the families of those fallen or rendered invalid in combat, they kept very careful track of payments, debts etc. The ancient world is much more complex and bureaucratic than what you seem to think. As for reports being deliberately or by mistake falsified, yes, they could. Yet, records is one thing and "reports" (official and unofficial) something different.


Re: Ancient army numbers - Macedon - 07-13-2012

Quote:Did I ever write such thing?

Actually if you read my post above you can see that I wrote that Arrian most likely had no freaking idea how big were Macedonian casualties.

If he had no freaking idea about a truth, he could not deliberately hid it.

Arrian had no idea himself, so he read his books. His books wrote some numbers, he thought they were realistic and so he wrote them in his story. Him having no idea at all and then inventing numbers is wrong to assume.


Quote:I think you are wrong here.

But if you aren't wrong then it means that Persian casualties must have been relatively low as well.[quote]

Nope.. yet I agree.. Persian casualties during the battle itself would have been low too. It is during the hours after they broke that all hell broke...

Peter post=316328 Wrote:Actually you are wrong - Arrian and also others describe cavalry charging into each other and even into infantry and baggage train. For example:

[quote=Arrian, Anabasis, III, 14](...) Simmias and his brigade were not yet able to start with Alexander in pursuit, but causing the phalanx to halt there, he took part in the struggle, because the left wing of the Macedonians was reported to be hard pressed. In this part of the field, their line being broken, some of the Indians and of the Persian cavalry burst through the gap towards the baggage of the Macedonians; and there the action became desperate. For the Persians fell boldly on the men, who were most of them unarmed, and never expected that any men would cut through the double phalanx and break through upon them. When the Persians made this attack, the foreign prisoners also assisted them by falling upon the Macedonians in the midst of the action. But the commanders of the men who had been posted as a reserve to the first phalanx, learning what was taking place, quickly moved from the position which they had been ordered to take, and coming upon the Persians in the rear, killed many of them there collected round the baggage. But the rest of them gave way and fled. The Persians on the right wing, who had not yet become aware of the flight of Darius, rode round Alexander's left wing and attacked Parmenio in flank. (...)

Yep... what is this describing? Can it be that it is talking about the action in the Greek camp, when the unruly "Persians" were caught pants down, carrying off loot and slaves?

Quote:Another fragment is already above (the one when he mentions sixty killed Companions).

And there are other fragments too.

I described you the mode of fighting of the doratophoroi in contrast to the javelineers. Find the rest of the quotes.

Quote:Only light cavalry fought like this, while heavy & medium cavalry - and both sides had numerous heavy & medium cavalry at Gaugamela - fought in a completely different way (well, medium cavalry sometimes carried both javelins and sidearms + shields - so they could fight both ways).

And by the way even light cavalry sometimes fought "unlike normally".

Wrong, and Arrian of all historians is all too clear about that. I will return to this later.

For example check the Gaius Sallustius Crispus' account of the Jugurthine war.

Quote:While describing the battle at the outskirts of Zama (a much later one, against Jugurtha) in 108 B.C., Sallustius (59.) writes:

"(...) during the fight Numidian cavalrymen, self-confident (...) contrary to the usually applied tactics consisting of attacking and retreating*, were directly knocking against the enemy, breaking their battle array and sowing confusion into their ranks; hereby (...) almost achieving victory over Romans."

*So called skirmishing.

So here Sallustius gives an example of light cavalry (Numidians) fighting like heavy cavalry.

No, Salustius gives an example of a non-regular cavalry fight. Read the account of Polybius regarding Cannae and you will find the exact same comments. The same is also described by Arrian whenever cavalry (so-called heavy, mostly by us) acted in a non-ordinary manner.

==============================

Edit:

Quote:And for example Macedonian sarissophoroi lancers - although being lightly armoured (light cavalry) - also fought like heavy cavalry, using their lances. Especially they fought like this after being incorporated to Companions (before that they played mainly the role of scouts, IIRC, but sometimes also charged enemy lines).

Sarissophoroi weren't the only lightly armoured, but still shock lance-armed cavalry formation in history. For example in Medieval times and Early Modern Era there were also such cavalry formations in Europe, which were very lightly armoured (sometimes had no armour except of shields - which sarissophoroi also most likely had, as well as helmets) but armed in very long lances and fought as shock cavalry - not skirmish cavalry.

? Where exactly do we have the Prodromoi hippeis fight? And where is their manner of combat discussed? Nowhere does Arrian use them in battle. At Issus they just stood behind the battle-line making it sure to keep the Persian light infantry on the mountain.


Re: Ancient army numbers - Macedon - 07-13-2012

I have to work now... I will soon reply to all points.

Dear Michael, you should know by now that I know my Arrian all too well.... much better than those who try to understand things from translations...


Re: Ancient army numbers - Paralus - 07-13-2012

Quote: And it is important that Arrian did think that these casualties were substantial, not average, for a melee action that involved 2,500 Hetairoi among others.

How do you see 2,500 hetairoi (Companion Cavalry) at Gaugamela?

The battle of Gaza saw many cavalrymen killed - as many as 500philoi of Demetrius if the cavalry-centric description of Hieronymus is correct. This from some 2,900 on this wing. Now, it won't do to argue that this is Macedonian against Macedonian because that is not correct ("no less than fifteen hundred horsemen of all kinds"). The losses accorded to to "the Great's" cavalry are court pap. Clearly, at Gaugamela, the Macedonian cavalry lost more than those recorded; Arrian's narrative says as much.

Quote:Arrian 3.15.2:
...and Hephaestion himself, as well as Coenus and Menidas, was wounded.

Diod.17.61.3:
Hephaestion was wounded with a spear thrust in the arm; he had commanded the bodyguards. Perdiccas and Coenus, of the general's group, were also wounded, so also Menidas and others of the higher commanders.

Now, we may argue about Hepaestion, but Heckel is surely correct that he led the somatophylakes (= agema of the hypastists). Even if not we have two certainly attested infantry leaders in Coenus (the asthetairoi) and Perdiccas who are wounded in this "skirmish" of cavalry.

I remain to be convinced George.


Re: Ancient army numbers - Tomenable - 07-13-2012

Quote:Nope.. yet I agree.. Persian casualties during the battle itself would have been low too. It is during the hours after they broke that all hell broke...

This would require them being chased - if nobody was chasing them (or very few men were chasing them) - then they could not suffer heavy losses also after the battle.

And who would chase them? Phalanx? Surely not. If the number of those who chase is much smaller than the number of those who run away, it is also not possible for those few who chase to kill / capture large part of those running away. So Persian casualties must have been relatively small too, if your point of view on what happened at Gaugamela is correct.

Quote:Yep... what is this describing? Can it be that it is talking about the action in the Greek camp, when the unruly "Persians" were caught pants down, carrying off loot and slaves?

It is describing also how prior to attacking the Macedonian camp, those Persians attacked and broke through the double phalanx (I guess by double he means the Macedonian phalanx in front and the mercenary Greek phalanx behind in reserve)...

A clear indication of very ferocious fight taking place...

It is not easy to break through phalanx formation in a frontal attack - only several other examples are known from Ancient sources. And one of them at Gaugamela - which according to you was a "skirmish" after which Persian army ran away, rather than a battle... :roll:

Quote:Whatever your approach, this is what all accounts suggest.

And even the earliest of these accounts has been written many generations after the battle... :roll:

Quote:It is your disagreement that should be explained, not my agreement with them.

You sound like you don't know that 99% of modern scholars also disagree - just like me.

Quote:We have actually very few reliable medieval reports,

Certainly more than Ancient. As well as more contemporary sources in general.

Quote:even the Byzantines were unfortunately not as meticulous as the ancients in that department.

This must be just your "wishful" opinion.

And actually why you write "even the Byzantines" - why should the Byzantines be more meticulous than others? I start thinking that you are just a Greek nationalist, to be honest... :roll: :-|

Quote:Reliable accounts arise later, in the pike and musket period.

Actually in the "pike and musket" period of 16th - 17th century most of battlefield casualties were still inflicted and suffered in hand-to-hand combat, rather than by gunpowder.

Musket fire had relatively low efficiency - visual effect of a musket volley was much bigger than real impact on enemy forces. And all sources confirm this.

Quote:In no place did the Persians break the enemy, there was a gap that is reported to have formed but that was not a break per se.

Nope - Arrian clearly writes that a gap emerged as the result of Persians breaking enemy line...

Arrian - who is such an undisputed authority for you - clearly writes about the Macedonian line being broken - and only as the result of phalanx being broken, that gap emerged in the Macedonian line. It did not emerge "by itself", but as the result of Persians "chopping" their way through phalangites.

So it seems that you accept that what Arrian writes is true only when it fits to your view. On the other hand, when Arrian writes something which doesn't fit to your view, you ignore it... :roll:

==================================

Quote:Where exactly is such a thing said about Mardian bows? Can it be that you mistake them for the Carduchians? Or the Scythian bows used against Crassus?

Both Mardians and the Carduchians used these bows.

By the way - both of these formations fought at Gaugamela.

Xen., Anab., IV, 2, 28; IV, 1, 18

Quote:Anyways, archery, especially when from horseback was never especially effective as to cause deaths.

Tell this to the Mongols or to the Parthians... Or to their enemies.

=======================================

Quote:Not in a single action. A series of actions that was in fact the whole melee action of the battle.

I have no idea how you could draw such a conclusion / interpret in such a way a fragment which clearly says that those 60 killed died in just one small part of the battlefield and in just one engagement or even one fight (as clearly the words "here fell 60" - emphasis on "here" - suggest):

"(...) Then ensued the most obstinately contested cavalry fight in the whole engagement. For being drawn up by squadrons, the foreigners wheeled round in deep columns, and falling on Alexander's men face to face, they no longer relied on the hurling of javelins or the dexterous deploying of horses, as is the common practice in cavalry battles, but every one of his own account strove eagerly to break through what stood in his way, as their only means of safety. They struck and were struck without quarter, as they were no longer struggling to secure the victory for another, but were contending for their own personal safety. Here about sixty of Alexander's Companions fell; and Hephaestion himself, as well as Coenus and Menidas, was wounded. (...)"

:?

Quote:You are probably counting among the dead those that died from their wounds. What you claim is wrong according to the sources. What is a fact is that a good many of the wounded actually lost their lives from conditions relative to their wounds.

Even if it is counting among the dead those that died from their wounds - then only those who died of wounds during or shortly (up to maybe 1 day) after the battle. Can you tell me what sources do you mean? What sources contradict my claim? Because my claim is based on sources - for example actual casualty reports from the Early Modern Era.

Quote:Most of those wounded would have fallen in their blood and would not instantly die. It is not that easy to outright kill a man with an axe, sword or spear.

Of course they would not die instantly but vast majority would die before the end of the battle - some of them being actually trampled either by enemies or friends after falling on the ground wounded. And these guys count as killed - not as wounded.

As wounded count those who survived the battle or perhaps still lived a few days after the battle - since counting casualties takes time...

Quote:Once a man of the line was wounded by a stone, an arrow, a dagger, a spear-point etc, he would be dragged or just walked behind unless he was that valorous and hardy that he would just keep on.

He would rather fall on the ground and be trampled by men behind him or by enemies (depends who is pushing forward and who is giving their ground), rather than "be dragged or just walked behind"... :roll: Who would supposedly drag him? - there were no any medical units responsible for evacuation of wounded from the battlefield... When it comes to walking behind on your own:

In a phalanx formation that is densely packed and is 8 to 16 ranks deep a wounded men from the first or second line has no any chance to just "walk behind" - because there are several more ranks of soldiers behind him, and there is simply no space to go behind... :roll:

Quote:is in the Macedonian camp, if the few guards left put up resistance.

... "few guards" - :!: :?: :|

What about thousands of Macedonian camp followers :?: :!: :roll:

Quote:There is no flight of Greeks.

To break enemy line doesn't require forcing them to fly away - you can just push them back and in the process gradually on both sides (as the result, a gap will emerge) or "chop" your way through them - of course in reality chopping and pushing back and on sides always goes together (as some of them die and some just give their ground).

You also forgot about the Greek mercenary light cavalry being defeated on both flanks (which was the reason why Alexander did not want to use them in his further battles - especially not give them any important tasks to accomplish, like at Gaugamela where they were supposed to protect the flanks together with other cavalry):

http://books.google.pl/books?id=nTmXOFX-wioC&pg=PA34&lpg=PA34&dq=Paeonian+Cavalry&source=bl&ots=YYja8kraeY&sig=ADaeXuKRn3OCDSLqHM1TBTC2LH0&hl=en&sa=X&ei=5fr9T5_qC4-WhQeb09TqBg&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=Paeonian%20Cavalry&f=false

[Image: Greek_cav.jpg]

Quote:Apart from the issue of the reliability of these records, the thing is that they were not open to the public. Some historians wrote that they used them, at least what had survived... Do not forget that we have absolutely no first hand account of Alexander's exploits. Ptolemy's and Callisthenes' accounts do not survive...

I am well aware of this. All surviving accounts are much later than the battle.

Quote:? Where exactly do we have the Prodromoi hippeis fight? And where is their manner of combat discussed? Nowhere does Arrian use them in battle. At Issus they just stood behind the battle-line making it sure to keep the Persian light infantry on the mountain.

Read:

http://books.google.pl/books?id=nTmXOFX-wioC&pg=PA34&lpg=PA34&dq=Paeonian+Cavalry&source=bl&ots=YYja8kraeY&sig=ADaeXuKRn3OCDSLqHM1TBTC2LH0&hl=en&sa=X&ei=5fr9T5_qC4-WhQeb09TqBg&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q=Paeonian%20Cavalry&f=false

[Image: Prodromoi.jpg]

If you want to check references - use the link given above (or buy this book).


Re: Ancient army numbers - Tomenable - 07-13-2012

Quote:As far as I am concerned, Arrian says 100, Diodorus says 500, Curtius I simply do not like...

Wow - now you showed us how "objective" is your approach. :roll:

"I simply don't like"... Well, that's a very wrong approach to a source.

Especially such a detailed and full of useful info source as Curtius.

His account is actually more detailed than that of Diodorus.

You can't just ignore Curtius' account.

=================================================

Regarding that episode of breaking through the Macedonian phalanx at Gaugamela:

I will quote my conversation about that episdoe from another forum:

-----------------------------

I wrote:

Quote:Rode between the gaps in formations, created by mounted manouver elemnets was exactly what Alexander cav did in many of its engagements

The primary source - Arrian - writes that the gap in formation was first chopped / cut by Persians.

Let me quote it again:

"(...) the left wing of the Macedonians was reported to be hard pressed. In this part of the field, their line being broken, some of the Indians and of the Persian cavalry burst through the gap towards the baggage of the Macedonians; and there the action became desperate. For the Persians fell boldly on the men, who were most of them unarmed, and never expected that any men would cut through the double phalanx and break through upon them. (...)"

So Arrian clearly writes that:

1) The Persians broke the Macedonian line of phalangites in a ferocious attack ("hard pressed")
2) They also broke the line of Greek hoplites deployed in reserve behind those phalangites (see below)
2) Then the Persians burst through the gap that they themselves chopped / cut before
3) Then they attacked the Macedonian baggage train which was left behind their lines
4) Those who guarded the baggage were surprised as they never expected that the Persians would cut through the double phalanx (Macedonian phalanx and phalanx of Greek mercenary hoplites deployed behind)

This is the only valid interpretation - suggesting that the gap in Macedonian lines "emerged by itself" instead of being cut by attacking Persian soldiers is simply ignoring what Arrian wrote in his account of the battle.

Instead, Arrian at least twice confirms that the gap was created by Persian soldiers cutting through Macedonian lines, rather than "appeared" when Macedonian units "became detached" - 1st time when he writes that Macedonian line was broken under hard pressure of the enemy (I presume the same enemy who, as the result of breaking it, burst through it and attacked the Macedonian baggage behind it) and 2nd time when he explicitly writes that those who guarded the baggage did not expect that the Persians would cut through the double phalanx.

Quote:You abused the primary text that only states persian cav moved between the fragemented Macedonian Lines

I abused it? It is you who abused it - and those historians who claim that Arrian doesn't write about Macedonian line being broken by Persian attack, and instead try to claim that the gap emerged there "by itself".

Arrian doesn't say this. He clearly writes that the formation was broken by Persian soldiers (whether it was cavalry alone or cavalry + infantry is the only controversy here - as those "Indians" mentioned by Arrian could be infantry soldiers, since sources apart from Indian cavalry mention also Indian hillmen in this battle).

Quote:Falsfing history to augemnt your flawed posistion is not the way to go.

Who is falsyfing history here? Certainly not me.

You should read Arrian's text again and try the proper art of interpretation of what you read.

Quote:Not what Arrian was explaining to have happened.Page 169 you quoted, 2nd Para starts with: But the formation under Simmias was unable to link up with Alexander to join the pursuit, was fourced to stand its ground and continue the struggle on the spot, a report comming in that the Macedonian left was in trouble.At this point the Macedonian line was broken, and some of the Indian and Persian cavalry burst through the gap and penetrated right through to the rear where the pack animals were.

This is not what Arrian wrote. Arrian is a primary source. Your book is not.

What you quote now - "page 169" of some website - is from a book - from a secondary source.

Apparently a book written by somehow who decided not to believe in primary Ancient sources and decided to invent his own version of what happened. But this is pure "fantasy" of the author of this book. While Arrian clearly writes that Persians attacked and broke the Macedonian line - not that "formations were unable to link".

Show me a primary source which supports the "formation was unable to link" theory, please.

Quote:not least beacase they were two deep here

You don't think they were two deep there, do you? No phalanx was ever being deployed in such a thin line by their commanders. What Arrian writes is "double" phalanx - not "two deep" phalanx.

I.e. there was Macedonian phalanx and that of Greek mercenary hoplites behind.


Re: Ancient army numbers - Macedon - 07-14-2012

Too many points by two members. Some answers deserve their own threads.

Quote:No, no, no.

The Persian time at that time was different than 100 years earlier. You are talking about earlier times (more or less times of the battle of Marathon) when even the heaviest Persian cavalry looked like this:

[Image: achaemenid_cavalry.jpg]

But by the time of Gaugamela the Persians already had units of heavy cavalry designed to carry out shock charges - very similar tactics to that of Companions. For example, they had cataphracts in their army. But also other types of heavy cavalry.

And regarding the "spear-bearing" cavalry on the Macedonian side - apart from Companions, also Thessalian cavalry was a "spear-bearing" heavy cavalry unit. Then we had Thracian, Odrysian and Paeonian cavalry - they can be classified as "medium cavalry" - they had both javelins and weapons intended for meelee combat, so they were dual purpose cavalry, but of course they wore less armour than Companion and Thessalian cavalry. And there were also already mentioned sarissophoroi (also called prodromoi) - lightly armoured, but also "spear-bearing" and capable of shock charges.

Only mercenary and allied Greek cavalry of Alexander were typical light skirmish cavalry armed with javelins. And maybe some Syrian horse archers, if he had them at Gaugamela.

No. You make the usual mistake of thinking that "non-shock" cavalry is light and "shock" cavalry is heavy. The actual difference between what the ancients see between "light" and non-light cavalry is not shock capability but their mode of fighting. This is a usual by-product of strategy games who relish in making such categorizations that the ancients themselves seldom made. Light cavalry was cavalry that fought in a formation that facilitated easy flight instead of in dense squadrons. The Greek and Persian cavalry of the time was fighting in perispasmoi, that means they charged, hurled their missiles and then retreated to reform. This was also the Roman mode of cavalry fight, the Carthaginian mode of cavalry fight etc. For horsemen to come in actual hand to hand combat, it was so rare and unexpected that all authors clearly wrote about it. The Macedonian companions are the first cavalry to have acted as what is called "shock cavalry" and that ONLY against enemy cavalry. There are no cataphractoi in the traditional sense of the word in the Achaemenid army, that is full armored doratophoroi on full armored horses. This is a later invention. The Thessalians also used javelins as did all others expect the Prodromoi who are never attested to have fought in battle. The word only means "scouts" in Greek and nothing more. Armor had nothing to do with melee. On the contrary, it, as well as the shield, were mainly arms to defend against missiles and not against melee weapons. This is why the Companions had no shields, this is why the later cataphractoi doratophoroi had no shields.



Quote:Regarding Persian cavalry:

But by the time of Gaugamela the Persians already had units of heavy cavalry designed to carry out shock charges - very similar tactics to that of Companions. For example, they had cataphracts in their army. But also other types of heavy cavalry.

For example Sakae / Saca cavalry and Barkan (not sure if I translate this to English correctly) cavalry was armed in double-edged war axes called bipennis - clearly a weapon intended for use in close-combat. They were also armed in swords called akinakes and single-edged, smaller than bipennis, axes called sagaris.

Then they had very well armoured Persian, Bactrian and Indian cavalry.

As well as Scythian (Saca) cataphracts. Also Bactrians, Armenians and Cappadocians fielded some very well armoured, cataphract and other heavy cavalry.

Persian and Indian heavy cavalry units were armed with long spears.

Nope. They had none. There is no cavalry melee initiated by Persian cavalry unless in defense of their king or in unusual circumstances clearly commented on. The fact that it was the Companions of Alexander that did so is often commented on by Arrian. Again, heavily armored cavalry does not mean "shock cavalry". Do you know that in the whole of the Anabasis the word "cataphract" is not mentioned even once, not even as a descriptive adjective? And Arrian did know exactly what a cataphract was.

And of course, all soldiers had melee weapons. Even the psiloi carried daggers, aces or swords. This is nothing that says anything about cavalry normally and according to tradition fighting in melee.

Anyways, I will later give many examples out of Arrian (and others if you like) as to how cavalry regularly fought and whether engaging in hand to hand combat was usual, normal, expected or not. This has also been discussed in length in this forum. You might want to look it up.


Re: Ancient army numbers - Macedon - 07-14-2012

Quote:Oh dear George. There's nothing like ignoring the sources:

Quote:Arrian 3.12.3-4: Alexander ordered the cavalry of the Grecian mercenaries under the command of Menidas to attack them. But the Scythian cavalry and the Bactrians, who had been drawn up with them, sallied forth against them, and being much more numerous they put the small body of Greeks to rout. Alexander then ordered Aristo at the head of the Paeonians and Grecian auxiliaries to attack the Scythians; and the barbarians gave way. But the rest of the Bactrians, drawing near to the Paeonians and Grecian auxiliaries, caused their own comrades who were already in flight to turn and renew the battle; and thus they brought about a general cavalry engagement, in which more of Alexander’s men fell, not only being overwhelmed by the multitude of the barbarians, but also because the Scythians themselves and their horses were much more completely protected with armour for guarding their bodies. Notwithstanding this, the Macedonians sustained their assaults, and assailing them violently squadron by squadron, they succeeded in pushing them out of rank.

Where exactly do you see any melee here that does not have to do with the Companions, oh great interpreter of sources? I think you are quoting Arrian as you see fit instead of reading what he says and trying to match it with what I write. None of the bolded or unbolded quotes says anything that refutes anything I wrote.

Quote:It would appear you have misread your Arrian. He clearly describes only the Macedonians as assaulting squadron by squadron. Are you claiming the Macedonians rode in and hurled their "javelins" and retreated?

I do not understand what attacking in squadrons has to do with anything. What are you saying? Would my offering, say 10 instances of cavalry arrayed and operating in squadrons make a point? Anyways.. I will give quotes from Arrian regarding how he understands cavalry fighting of the era and then you will be able to easily comment...

Quote:Tell that to Parmenion. I'm afraid that is not sustained by the source material. You would have it that the only battle occurred on the far right of the Macedonian line. This is clearly a result of the hero-king, Alexander-centric nature of the source material - something you seem oblivious to. Do you really suggest that Darius only intended to fight the Macedonian right?

I think it is clearly described by Arrian. Skirmish does not mean psiloi hurling some stones or javelins. A skirmish is a combat action in which one or both parts do not come in hand to hand combat but use missiles whether in dense or dispersed formations. This has nothing to do with any "Alexandro-centric" description but with good sense on the part of Darius. His infantry was no match for the Macedonians and he very well knew that. This is why he chose not to engage with it but keep it out of harm's way. I am amazed Michael, that you understand so little about such tactics. Fighting with only one wing (which is anyways not the case here, I sincerely think you should have understood that) was a very valid and not unusual option for any general. I think it is easy to form opinions beforehand and then just anathematize anything that does not conform with such approaches.

Quote:And so we come to source criticism. Badian ("Orientals in Alexander's Army"; The Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. 85 1965, pp. 160-161) long ago observed the following about the "Roman general/governor of Greek nationality":

Quote:For one thing, accurate reporting of military matters is not one of Arrian's virtues. The man who - to cite only a few obvious examples - can use the word somatophylake in three different senses (iv 3.2 et al.: the foot agema; vi 27.2: a governor's bodyguard; and the proper technical use for the elite of great nobles, passim); who can contradict himself within a few lines on who led the mounted archers to the junction of Acesines and Hydraotes (vi 5-5; 6.I); and who seriously thought that Alexander meant to defeat Porus' forces with cavalry and archers (v 14.I f.-cf. Hamilton, PACA i (1961) 9)--this man was far from the great military historian of conventional modern encomia.

Arrian does not, necessarily, propagandise. He does, though, reproduce the propagandist figures of his sources. As we know (from Arrian), a king should not lie. What then of Callisthenes or Aristoboulos? These figures reek of court "approved" material.

I am very aware of the Badianic comments on Arrian and I choose to not accept them. It is always easy to explain what one does not understand or agree with with unbased attacks against the source's credibility. In my opinion, Badian has anyways only limited understanding of both the ancient Greek language and ancient military tactics being more of a more broad historian as displayed by these ludicrous comments of his, as if the term somatophylacae should only have one meaning or as if Arrian ever says that the archers he used alongside the cavalry at Hydaspes was some kind of super-weapon that would crush the Indians... Anyways, this all is his personal opinion which you can fully adopt if you wish, no problem with me. If you want more criticism you can also read Bosworth's aticle too (Errors in Arrian, The Classical Quartely, New Series, Vol.26, No.1 (1976), pp.117-139). You will find it much more informative and free of Badian's overaggressive style.

As for the sources he uses, I have never read them, alas they are gone... Again it is very easy to just attack them as wishing to glorify Alexander and thus deliberately lie, but there is absolutely no such proof or even evidence thereof. Just a maniac wish to discredit anything that has been written about Alexander. How do you know that they "reeked of court approved material"? What I wouldn't give to go through Callisthenes' work... In what little Polybius has preserved of this work, actually attacking him for his alleged errors, may be the best described march to battle of a Macedonian phalanx, a text that actually makes Polybius' criticism look bad. Seriously now... if you really think that "court approved" material spoke of 100 dead at Gaugamela and "non-approved" material about 500, we are in grave disagreement. There is no glory conferred by this difference. A text that would be written to really praise Alexander would look like Plutarch's "On the Fortune and Virtue of Alexander." Many wrote about Alexander and I do not dismiss any ancient source as incredible when describing earthly things. 100 or 500 dead against 1,000,000 or 500,000 is practically the same to me. A complete victory whose tactics I try to interpret and decipher in a broader sense. What I am interested in is what Arrian's, Polybius' or Xenophon's contemporaries thought of when confronted with such numbers in literary works. Whether they thought such numbers were incredible and ludicrous exaggerations or whether they thought that they were realistic. This understanding is much more important to draw helpful conclusions for their eras. Are there authors who were accused of bias, sucking up to their patrons, outright lie? We have countless such accusations, although not for the works in question. Are they rightly accused? We cannot say... What I can say with relative certainty is that when we have a number of sources relating the same incident in roughly the same way, then this, at least, is something that was generally believed to have been the truth, even if it was not. So, again... if your problem are the numbers, I have countless times declare, I take no other position as only supporting that huge numbers were possible to muster, supply and command. I DO NOT say that they were, I DO NOT say that any of these battles is 100% accurately given.

Quote:What, then , happens when "the Great" is dead? What of the wars after? The greatest army we hear of is that of Antigonus. This is entirely understandable and tops at some 80,000. The silly notion that it is only made up of mostly Greco-Macedonians is just that: silly. Here we have - even if via an intermediary - the "sober" historian Hieronymus as a source. It is alarming how the numbers then shrink.

I guess that anyone reporting numbers close to what you personally deem realistic is sober and those who do not are not... I do not agree with such a line of thinking. Strategic and tactical traditions and rules to follow can be very different. The Romans of the 2nd and 3rd centuries BC usually fielded 20,000 men and that in no way meant that the 70,000 Seleucids on the field were a fairy tale. Why would a Hellenistic preference to such numbers mean that the Persians never fielded hundreds of thousands? As I wrote someplace else in these forum, the assertion that ALL accounts of huge armies are untrue is as ludicrous as the assertion that ALL were true. The problem is that we do not know which ones were and which were not... We can argue, fight, dismiss and accept, but in the end, some of those reports will have been true and some false... This is why I prefer talking about probability instead of making bold statements regarding such issues.

Quote:In any case George, let Arrian's (non-propagandising!) figure of 300,000 be killed by the Macedonians at the "skirmish" of Gaugamela. How then can you describe it as such? If you allow the battle to have taken six hours (oh dear, more than a "skirmish") then that amounts to some 834 Persians killed per minute.

As they say out west in the US, you'll have to excuse me all to hell George...

First, a skirmish remains a skirmish even when it lasts more than 6 hours... How would you basically describe Carrhae? Second, the 300,000 dead, certainly an incredible number if the Persians had the chance to make a somewhat effective retreat could be made :

1.if in their panic they trampled each other
2.if the phalanx actually reached the rear lines in flight as their way would be obstructed by other troops and throngs of hopeless men marching leaderless
3.if orders were given and actually obeyed to even some troops to prohibit the retreat of lines in front of them
3.if the call to spare the enemies and start taking prisoners was given after 1-2 days
4.if the men in flight retreated into their respective camps and there were trapped or engaged in looting of their own possessions.

etc.

The actual terrain being relatively level and without thick vegetation would actually hamper flight.

Were there so many dead? Most probably not... Is it possible? Yes, I think it is.


Re: Ancient army numbers - Macedon - 07-14-2012

Quote:And that Persian and Indian heavy cavalry armed with long spears even managed to break through the line of Macedonian phalangites (pezhetairoi) at the point of contact of taxis (one taxis = "paper strength" of 2048 phalangites - according to: http://www.ne.jp/asahi/luke/ueda-sarson/GranicusNotes.html) under command of Simmias and taxis under command of Polysperchon:

Arrian, Anabasis, III, 14 Wrote:(...) Simmias and his brigade were not yet able to start with Alexander in pursuit, but causing the phalanx to halt there, he took part in the struggle, because the left wing of the Macedonians was reported to be hard pressed. In this part of the field, their line being broken, some of the Indians and of the Persian cavalry burst through the gap towards the baggage of the Macedonians; and there the action became desperate. For the Persians fell boldly on the men, who were most of them unarmed, and never expected that any men would cut through the double phalanx and break through upon them. When the Persians made this attack, the foreign prisoners also assisted them by falling upon the Macedonians in the midst of the action. But the commanders of the men who had been posted as a reserve to the first phalanx, learning what was taking place, quickly moved from the position which they had been ordered to take, and coming upon the Persians in the rear, killed many of them there collected round the baggage. But the rest of them gave way and fled. The Persians on the right wing, who had not yet become aware of the flight of Darius, rode round Alexander's left wing and attacked Parmenio in flank. (...)

A quite extraordinary and valiant achievement.

What exactly do you think is written here? There is no melee described again. The taxeis of the Macedonians were advancing in phalanx. Because of the pressure felt by the missiles hurled on them by the cavalry, the phalanx lost its cohesion creating a gap that was exploited by the Persians... They rode through it and attacked the Greek camp. Was it an outcome of a melee battle that had resulted into the flight of the Macedonians in that part of the phalanx, there would be pursuit of the men in flight and further fighting on the spot as the gap would widen, the phalangites being attacked from the flank. At Cunaxa, we have the almost same thing as the Greeks this time deliberately opened their lines allowing for the Persian cavalry against them to ride through without any reported casualties at all and again rush to the Greek camp.... There is no "break" reported in that text as would an English speaker understand... To you guys, "to break" means both to create a gap in the enemy line AND to put them to flight. The Greek text says no such thing. It only talks of the opening being created. If you know some ancient Greek, Pete, I could provide the Greek text. Dense bodies of heavy infantry were always vulnerable to frontal attack of cavalry, not because there was any melee, but because they were attacked without being able to either retaliate or march at ease. This is good use of cavalry on Darius' part.

Quote:And you forgot that Alexander's infantry practically didn't take part in that "skirmish" (according to George) and that supposedly all his cavalry except of 1800 Companions didn't charge but at best did some skirmishing (which typically doesn't inflict many casualties unless continuing for a very long time).

So we are left with 1800 Companion cavalrymen killing 834 Persians per minute (or 1668 per 2 minutes) for 6 hours (360 minutes) without any rest. I think they must have been robots.

And don't forget about another "non-propagandistic" figure - over 300,000 captured. So apart from killing 1668 per minute (or roughly one killed per 2 minutes by each of Macedonian Companions - and average Macedonian Companion killed 167 during entire battle), they also captured a similar number.

167 Persians captured by each 1 of Macedonian Companions! :mrgreen:

And further 167 killed by each 1 of Macedonian Companions! :mrgreen:

? Why would the rest of the cavalry not actively pursue? Why would the phalanx not advance to trample those poor lines of footmen trapped, commanded to stay, falling on one another... A pursue is no battle, it is pure slaughter, especially on a terrain where the throngs of unhappy men cannot find any safety, like that around Arbela... You can grin all you want, since you like finding parallels in WWII, you will be thrilled to know that capturing such numbers of men is nothing really that difficult. I have written of a number of ways to explain such numbers of losses. Again, I hold them as highly improbable but nevertheless possible.

Quote:
Quote:He clearly describes only the Macedonians as assaulting squadron by squadron. Are you claiming the Macedonians rode in and hurled their "javelins" and retreated?

And mighty javelins killed more per minute than German machine guns at the 1st day of the Somme! :mrgreen:

I do not remember commenting on this silly remark... It would be better if anyone of you guys actually made the effort to read before you try to judge but then you do not read ancient Greek and maybe your ignorance on certain details has to do with the freedom most translators give themselves... Anyways... You sure have read this one.. 3.15.2.2.

"ἐς βάθος τε γὰρ οἷα δὴ ἰληδὸν τεταγμένοι
ἀνέστρεφον οἱ βάρβαροι καὶ ἀντιμέτωποι τοῖς ἀμφ’
Ἀλέξανδρον ξυμπεσόντες οὔτε ἀκοντισμῷ ἔτι οὔτ’ ἐξ-
ελιγμοῖς τῶν ἵππων, ἥπερ ἱππομαχίας δίκη, ἐχρῶντο, (5)
ἀλλὰ διεκπαῖσαι πᾶς τις τὸ καθ’ αὑτόν, ὡς μόνην
ταύτην σωτηρίαν σφίσιν οὖσαν, ἐπειγόμενοι ἔκοπτόν τε
καὶ ἐκόπτοντο ἀφειδῶς, οἷα δὴ οὐχ ὑπὲρ νίκης ἀλλο-
τρίας ἔτι, ἀλλ’ ὑπὲρ σωτηρίας οἰκείας ἀγωνιζόμενοι."

I may comment on this VERY important text that alone answers most claims both of you make. What this text says is : "arrayed deep in squadrons, they turned about and facing those about Alexander, they attacked without hurling their javelins, nor by performing turn-abouts with their horses, as is customary in cavalry fight, but all fell upon them, since this was their only chance to save themselves and pressing forward they slashed and were slashed without mercy, not because the victory belonged to the enemy, but striving for their own survival."

The word "iledon" means "in squadrons" even if your translation reads otherwise, Michael... "exeligmois (plural)" means that each file in the squadron turned about 180 degrees, effectively returning to whence it came. A second exeligmos would be performed to again attack. The term is very often encountered when we are addressing infantry evolutions and is translated as "countermarch". It is a pity that terms that have to do with tactics are usually translated VERY freely... The least I expect is that you keep that in mind and try to be less sure regarding how you interpret ancient Greek texts.

It would be interesting to know what your translations make of this quote... This is where the 60 companions fell, in the very end of the battle... Only because Alexander did not follow one of the basic rules of ancient military tactics. "Do not deprive the enemy of all escape, fighting against men in despair is not a sound choice".


Re: Ancient army numbers - Tomenable - 07-14-2012

Quote:To you guys, "to break" means both to create a gap in the enemy line AND to put them to flight.

No mate - to break through enemy lines means simply to pierce it.

You don't have to force them to fly away in order to achieve this.

You can as well kill them and push them back / force to give ground.

Quote:There is no melee described again.

Nor missile. So this is just a matter of interpretaion.

I think that piercing enemy lines by hurling javelins is impossible.

So there must have been also a melee fight there, IMHO.

Quote:It only talks of the opening being created.

No - it talks about "cutting through double phalanx" and "breaking enemy line".

I don't think that you can "cuth through" anything with use of a missile weapon...

So there must have been a melee charge and melee fight.

Quote:Why would the phalanx not advance to trample those poor lines of footmen trapped, commanded to stay, falling on one another...

You said they were flying away and now you say they stayed and waited to be "trampled" by slowly-moving phalanx, doing nothing? ... :roll:

Now you contradict yourself.

If they were flying away then there was no way for Macedonian phalanx to be fast enough to catch them (even after dismantling their formation and chasing the Persians in a disorganized horde a heavily armoured phalangite can't run as fast as light infantry).

Quote:A pursue is no battle, it is pure slaughter, especially on a terrain where the throngs of unhappy men cannot find any safety, like that around Arbela...

You cannot carry out a successful pursue of enemy which is faster than you... :roll:

That's what you seem to ignore.

Quote:You can grin all you want, since you like finding parallels in WWII, you will be thrilled to know that capturing such numbers of men is nothing really that difficult.

Large numbers of POWs in WW2 were taken only if large number of troops had been trapped in a pocket before. Or if the government of entire state signed capitulation (like France - vast majority of POWs taken by Germany during the French campaign were those taken or disarmed after the capitulation signed by the French government).

Or if you have fast forces (armoured-motorized) and you are successfully attacking enemy slow forces (infantry) - then you can also take large number of POWs during WW2, especially if the enemy was unwilling to fight to the death.

However no of these conditions was present during the battle of Gaugamela.

There was neither a pocket. Nor enough cavalry to chase the Persians.

And also Alexander's army was much smaller - while large numbers of POWs in WW2 were taken by armies of similar size or bigger, not by much smaller armies.

Quote:but then you do not read ancient Greek

That's because we are not Greek unlike you.

Fortunately we have translations.


Re: Ancient army numbers - Tomenable - 07-14-2012

Quote:First, a skirmish remains a skirmish even when it lasts more than 6 hours... How would you basically describe Carrhae?

How would I basically describe Carrhae?

As a battle in which cataphracts did most of the killing - not horse archers.

You surely would agree since you already claimed that archers can't kill many.

Quote:His infantry was no match for the Macedonians and he very well knew that. This is why he chose not to engage with it but keep it out of harm's way.

OMG you contradict yourself so badly that it starts to be funny. Confusedhock: Confusedhock:

It is hard to believe that the same guy wrote what is quoted above, and what is quoted below:

Quote:Why would the phalanx not advance to trample those poor lines of footmen trapped, commanded to stay, falling on one another...

First you write that Darius commanded his infantry to avoid melee versus Macedonian infantry, then you say that he commanded them to stay and as the result they were trampled by Macedonian phalanx, falling one on another...

:lol: :lol: :lol: :lol: :lol: :lol: :lol:

Quote:Second, the 300,000 dead, certainly an incredible number if the Persians had the chance to make a somewhat effective retreat could be made :

1.if in their panic they trampled each other

Before that you claimed that ACTUAL weapons in the Ancient times had very low lethality, and now you claim that human feet have VERY HIGH lethality - because you claim that 300,000 could be able to trample each other... on a big flat plain with plenty of space to run away in any direction - just not on each other... :roll:

OMG :lol: :lol: :lol: :lol: :lol: :lol: :lol: :lol:

I have heard about cases of people trampling each other for example while escaping from sinking Titanic or from burning skyscrapper (although never it was a high percentage of those trapped in sinking Titanic or in burning skyscrapper - rather single cases). But i have NEVER EVER heard of people massively trampling each other to death (sic!!! - it is obvious that most cases of being trampled by MEN are wounded - being trampled by A BIGGER ANIMAL like horse or especially elephant might be more harmful) ON AN OPEN FIELD - such as that near Arbela - where there was PLENTY of space.

Besides - it was YOU who claimed that numbers like hundreds of thousands or even million of Persian warriors are "plausible" - and now you claim that the battlefield was so "tight" that men trampled each other... Well - the battlefield was very huge - especially if it had enough place for such a supposedly enormously large Persian army...

Quote:3.if orders were given and actually obeyed to even some troops to prohibit the retreat of lines in front of them

Once again you CONTRADICT yourself.

Before that you wrote that Darius gave orders NOT TO ENGAGE with Greek infantry.

And now you claim that he gave orders NOT TO RETREAT from Greek infantry.

Don't you think that these two orders contradict each other???!!! :roll: :roll: :roll:

Quote:4.if the men in flight retreated into their respective camps and there were trapped or engaged in looting of their own possessions.

OMG Persians "looting their own possessions".

LOL. You really do consider Persians as barbarians, don't you??? :roll:

Quote:etc.

The actual terrain being relatively level and without thick vegetation would actually hamper flight.

LOLOLOLOL - a huge flat terrain would "hamper" flight. Surely! :roll: Especially if chased by slow Macedonian phalangites who can't run more than 100 meters in their heavy armours! :roll: And especially considering that large part of the Persian army was cavalry which can move fast and light infantry which can run fast. :roll:

I am getting tired of these ridiculous theories...

Quote:Were there so many dead? Most probably not... Is it possible? Yes, I think it is.

Then WHO BURIED THOSE DEAD. And if nobody buried them - then WHY Macedonian army was NOT decimated by terrible epidemic diseases following the battle, caused by rotting corpses of 300,000 dead Persians scattered everywhere on huge terrain... :roll:

Surely where you have 300,000 rotting corpses you also have 3,000,000,000 flies carrying diseases...


Re: Ancient army numbers - Paralus - 07-14-2012

I once wrote I would not go here. I'm a bad boy, bad boy, very bad boy...

Quote:Where exactly do you see any melee here that does not have to do with the Companions, oh great interpreter of sources? I think you are quoting Arrian as you see fit instead of reading what he says and trying to match it with what I write. None of the bolded or unbolded quotes says anything that refutes anything I wrote.

Arrian writes that the "Macedonians" assaulted by ile. I woyuld, though, agree he refers to those on the Macedonian side rather than Macedonians. More of Alexander's men fell clearly means the Persians were doing and killing well. Arrian gives a thousand Macedonian horses as dead. Whilst he says this is due to wounds and the chase (half belonging to the Hetairoi), that should stand as a warning to accepting that only sixty Hetairoi died.

As well, Coenus, Perdiccas and Hephaestion are wounded. I fully concur with Heckel that Hephaestion is wounded leading the agema of the hypaspists (referred to as somatophylakes by Arrian on several occasions and directly attested here by Diodorus) and the other two are unarguably leading infantry who must, therefore, have attacked. In fact Arrian states this baldly at 3.14.2-3 which is worth quoting in full for a number of reasons:

Quote:For a time Alexander himself led his men in column, but when the cavalry, charging the Persians who were trying to surround the Macedonian's right wing, first breached the barbarian phalanx, Alexander wheeled about opposite the gap, arrayed the Companion cavalry and the nearby portion of the phalanx in a wedge formation and led them at full speed and with a war cry at Darius himself. For a breif period the fighting was hand to hand, but when Alexander and his horsemen pressed the enemy hard, shoving the Persians and striking at their faces with spears (xustois), and the Macedonian phalanx, tightly arrayed and bristling with sarisae, was already upon them, Darius, who had long been in a state of dread, now saw terrors all around him; he wheeled about - the first to do so - and fled.

There are a number of points to take from this. We can reject the portrait of a terrified, fleeing Darius as this is contradicted by all other sources (Curtius 4.15.29-31; Diod.17.60.2-3; Plut. Alex.33.4-6)) and represents a tradition in Arrian's sources of portraying Alexander's opposite as a craven coward reliant on massive numbers to achieve anything (see also the Astronomical diaries which clearly describe Darius' army deserting him rather than the reverse).

Arrian clearly claims that Alexander led his army in column. It was, then, not in battle formation. This column began a rightward advance, commencing with Alexander opposite Darius in the centre. When Alexander turns to attack he is opposite the Persian left advance guard where the hetairoi are assailed by the chariots of that left wing advance guard. His right flank guard is occupied with the Persian left flank cavalry. Though Arrian does not describe it, the army must have deployed from column at the moment of, or just prior to, attack unless "his men" only refers to the cavalry 9which makes little sense to me).

Also, Arrian twice refers to the Persian array as a "phalanx". This is an odd term to use of cavalry.

At the moment of attack Alexander assaults with the cavalry and "the nearby portion of the phalanx" which attacks bristling with sarisae. This is clearly a concerted attack by the infantry (along with the cavalry) and we can be sure, given the wounded Perdiccas and Coenus, that their taxeis were involved. I cannot see this as a "skirmish" and, given the break in the line, more of the phalanx was likely involved. Peter has misinterpreted the action to the left. The break was not made by the Persians, rather it was made by Alexander's attack. Here the phalanx advances and Simmias, pinned by the Persian counter charge on the Macedonian left, is unable to follow.

Lastly the tradition in Arrian that Alexander drove for Darius and then chased him is likely wrong. Plutarch, for once, preserves a pertinent piece of battle description when (at Alex 33.3) he describes "Alexander driving the conquered foe towards the centre of their array, where Dareius was". If the Macedonians advanced at hear a 45 degree angle, this is precisely what Alexander will have done: from just right of the Persian left (point of impact) to the centre.

Quote:I think it is clearly described by Arrian. Skirmish does not mean psiloi hurling some stones or javelins. A skirmish is a combat action in which one or both parts do not come in hand to hand combat but use missiles whether in dense or dispersed formations. This has nothing to do with any "Alexandro-centric" description but with good sense on the part of Darius. His infantry was no match for the Macedonians and he very well knew that. This is why he chose not to engage with it but keep it out of harm's way. I am amazed Michael, that you understand so little about such tactics. Fighting with only one wing (which is anyways not the case here, I sincerely think you should have understood that) was a very valid and not unusual option for any general.


I well understand fighting in loxe taxis (Paraetecene and Gaza for example). In fact that is exactly how Diodorus describes Alexander's line here (17.57.6) I also well understand what a skirmish is. But, your assertion that this battle is a skirmish is contradicted by Arrian and Diodorus (17.59.1-4) based on your own definition. Arrian clearly describes the battle - after the phalanx engages - as hand to hand.

On the notion of "light" and "heavy" cavalry (or shock and skirmishing), you are correct. The terminology is not, of necessity, related to arms and armour. it is a matter of the tactical use of cavalry. Those employed in "wheeling action" (Antigonus left at Paraetecene for example) are being utilised as "light" cavalry. Those under Demetrius, Ptolemy and Seleucus (xystophoroi) at Gaza are being utilised as "heavy" cavalry.

Quote:I am very aware of the Badianic comments on Arrian and I choose to not accept them. It is always easy to explain what one does not understand or agree with with unbased attacks against the source's credibility. In my opinion, Badian has anyways only limited understanding of both the ancient Greek language and ancient military tactics being more of a more broad historian as displayed by these ludicrous comments of his, as if the term somatophylacae should only have one meaning or as if Arrian ever says that the archers he used alongside the cavalry at Hydaspes was some kind of super-weapon that would crush the Indians...


I do not think that Badian's understanding of the ancient Greek was "limited". I believe that to be unfounded criticism. The point he is making is that Arrian is not the military historian that modern writers would have you believe. Arrian's Anabasis Alexandrou should not be read as a technical treatise for it does not use terms in a technical fashion. If it did we would have to assume that the Macedonian infantry were "hoplites". What Badian is saying is that if Arian were the expert military historian many would make out then he would utilise technical nomencalture consistently. Instead we have the agema of the hypaspists called somatophylakes, hetairoi, hypaspistae basilikoi to name a few.

Badian is not claiming that the archers are any super weapon. He is saying that Arrian does not realise what he has written, that is that Alexander seriously though to defeat the entire Indian army with cavalry and archers (5.14.1-2):

Quote:[Alexander] took only his horse-soldiers, who were 5,000 in number, and led them forward with speed. He also instructed Tauron, the comnunder of the archers, to lead them on also with speed to back up the cavalry. He had come to the conclusion that if Porus should engage him with all his forces, he would easily be able to overcome him by attacking with his cavalry

Also that he can't have the horse archers in two places at once (6.5.5;6.6.1)

Quote:Alexander then transported the elephants, the brigade of Polysperchon, the horse-archers, and Philip with his army, across the river Hydaspes, and instructed Craterus to lead them. He sent Nearchus with the fleet with orders to set sail three days before the army started [...] HE then took the shield-bearing guards, the bowmen, the Agrianians, Peithon’s brigade of men, from those who were called foot Companions, all the horse bowmen and half the cavalry Companions...

No writer is free of error (and, yes, I have Bosworth's paper) and Badian's point is that Arrian is not the military historian that modern commentators hold him to be. Arrian likely did not set out to write a technical treatise on Alexander's campaign and so it should not be read as such (unlike his Tactica).

I agree with the comments on Polybius (re Callisthenes). It is a pity that this work has not survived. A full description of of those evolutions would be nice.


Re: Ancient army numbers - Paralus - 07-14-2012

I once wrote I would not go here. I'm a bad boy, bad boy, very bad boy...

Quote:Where exactly do you see any melee here that does not have to do with the Companions, oh great interpreter of sources? I think you are quoting Arrian as you see fit instead of reading what he says and trying to match it with what I write. None of the bolded or unbolded quotes says anything that refutes anything I wrote.

Arrian writes that the "Macedonians" assaulted by ile. I woyuld, though, agree he refers to those on the Macedonian side rather than Macedonians. More of Alexander's men fell clearly means the Persians were doing and killing well. Arrian gives a thousand Meacedonian horses as dead. Whilst he syays this is due to wounds and the chase (half belonging to the Hetairoi), that should stand as a warning to accepting that only sixty Hetairoi died.

As well, Coenus, Perdiccas and Hephaestion are wounded. I fully concur with Heckel that Hephaestion is wounded leading the agema of the hypaspists (referred to as somatophylakes by Arrian on several occasions and directly attested here by Diodorus) and the other two are unarguably leading infantry who must, therefore, have attacked. In fact Arrian states this baldly at 3.14.2-3 which is worth quoting in full for a number of reasons:

Quote:For a time Alexander himself led his men in column, but when the cavalry, charging the Persians who were trying to surround the Macedonian's right wing, first breached the barbarian phalanx, Alexander wheeled about opposite the gap, arrayed the Companion cavalry and the nearby portion of the phalanx in a wedge formation and led them at full speed and with a war cry at Darius himself. For a breif period the fighting was hand to hand, but when Alexander and his horsemen pressed the enemy hard, shoving the Persians and striking at their faces with spears (xustois), and the Macedonian phalanx, tightly arrayed and bristling with sarisae, was already upon them, Darius, who had long been in a state of dread, now saw terrors all around him; he wheeled about - the first to do so - and fled.

There are a number of points to take from this. We can reject the portrait of a terrified, fleeing Darius as this is contradicted by all other sources (Curtius 4.15.29-31; Diod.17.60.2-3; Plut. Alex.33.4-6)) and represents a tradition in Arrian's sources of portraying Alexander's opposite as a craven coward reliant on massive numbers to achieve anything (see also the Astronomical diaries which clearly describe Darius' army deserting him rather than the reverse).

Arrian clearly claims that Alexander led his army in column. It was, then, not in battle formation. This column began a rightward advance, commencing with Alexander opposite Darius in the centre. When Alexander turns to attack he is opposite the Persian left advance guard where the hetairoi are assailed by the chariots of that left wing advance guard. His right flank guard is occupied with the Persian left flank cavalry. Though Arrian does not describe it, the army must have deployed from column at the moment of, or just prior to, attack unless "his men" only refers to the cavalry 9which makes little sense to me).

Also, Arrian twice refers to the Persian array as a "phalanx". This is an odd term to use of cavalry.

At the moment of attack Alexander assaults with the cavalry and "the nearby portion of the phalanx" which attacks bristling with sarisae. This is clearly a concerted attack by the infantry (along with the cavalry) and we can be sure, given the wounded Perdiccas and Coenus, that their taxeis were involved. I cannot see this as a "skirmish" and, given the break in the line, more of the phalanx was likely involved. Peter has misinterpreted the action to the left. The break was not made by the Persians, rather it was made by Alexander's attack. Here the phalanx advances and Simmias, pinned by the Persian counter charge on the Macedonian left, is unable to follow.

Lastly the tradition in Arrian that Alexander drove for Darius and then chased him is likely wrong. Plutarch, for once, preserves a pertinentpiece of battle description when (at Alex 33.3) he describes "Alexander driving the conquered foe towards the centre of their array, where Dareius was". If the Macedonians advanced at hear a 45 degree angle, this is precisely what Alexander will have done: from just right of the Persian left (point of impact) to the centre.

Quote:I think it is clearly described by Arrian. Skirmish does not mean psiloi hurling some stones or javelins. A skirmish is a combat action in which one or both parts do not come in hand to hand combat but use missiles whether in dense or dispersed formations. This has nothing to do with any "Alexandro-centric" description but with good sense on the part of Darius. His infantry was no match for the Macedonians and he very well knew that. This is why he chose not to engage with it but keep it out of harm's way. I am amazed Michael, that you understand so little about such tactics. Fighting with only one wing (which is anyways not the case here, I sincerely think you should have understood that) was a very valid and not unusual option for any general.


I well understand fighting in loxe taxis (Paraetecene and Gaza for example). In fact that is exactly how Diodorus describes Alexander's line here (17.57.6) I also well understand what a skirmish is. But, your assertion that this battle is a skirmish is contradicted by Arrian and Diodorus (17.59.1-4) based on your own definition. Arrian clearly describes the battle - after the phalanx engages - as hand to hand.

On the notion of "light" and "heavy" cavalry (or shock and skirmishing), you are correct. The terminology is not, of necessity, related to arms and armour. it is a matter of the tactical use of cavalry. Those employed in "wheeling action" (Antigonus left at Paraetecene for example) are being utilised as "light" cavalry. Those under Demetrius, Ptolemy and Seleucus (xystophoroi) at Gaza are being utilised as "heavy" cavalry.

Quote:I am very aware of the Badianic comments on Arrian and I choose to not accept them. It is always easy to explain what one does not understand or agree with with unbased attacks against the source's credibility. In my opinion, Badian has anyways only limited understanding of both the ancient Greek language and ancient military tactics being more of a more broad historian as displayed by these ludicrous comments of his, as if the term somatophylacae should only have one meaning or as if Arrian ever says that the archers he used alongside the cavalry at Hydaspes was some kind of super-weapon that would crush the Indians...


I do not think that Badian's understanding of the ancient Greek was "limited". I believe that to be unfounded criticism. The point he is making is that Arrian is not the military historian that modern writers would have you believe. Arrian's Anabasis Alexandrou should not be read as a technical treatise for it does not use terms in a technical fashion. If it did we would have to assume that the Macedonian infantry were "hoplites". What Badian is saying is that if Arian were the expert military historian many would make out then he would utilise technical nom encalture consistently. Instead we have the agema of the hypaspists called somatophylakes, hetairoi, hypaspistae basilikoi to name a few.

Badian is not claiming that the archers are any super weapon. He is saying that Arrian does not realise what he has written, that is that Alexander seriously though to defeat the entire Indian army with cavalry and archers (5.14.1-2):

Quote:[Alexander] took only his horse-soldiers, who were 5,000 in number, and led them forward with speed. He also instructed Tauron, the comnunder of the archers, to lead them on also with speed to back up the cavalry. He had come to the conclusion that if Porus should engage him with all his forces, he would easily be able to overcome him by attacking with his cavalry

Also that he can't have the horse archers in two places at once (6.5.5;6.6.1)

Quote:Alexander then transported the elephants, the brigade of Polysperchon, the horse-archers, and Philip with his army, across the river Hydaspes, and instructed Craterus to lead them. He sent Nearchus with the fleet with orders to set sail three days before the army started [...] HE then took the shield-bearing guards, the bowmen, the Agrianians, Peithon’s brigade of men, from those who were called foot Companions, all the horse bowmen and half the cavalry Companions...

No writer is free of error (and, yes, I have Bosworth's paper) and Badian's point is that Arrian is not the military historian that modern commentators hold him to be. Arrian likely did not set out to write a technical treatise on Alexander's campaign and so it should not be read as such (unlike his Tactica).

I agree with the comments on Polybius (re Callisthenes). It is a pity that this work has not survived. A full description of of those evolutions would be nice.


Re: Ancient army numbers - Paralus - 07-14-2012

Quote:First, about Gaza... the casualties reported are "more than 500 men, most of whom were cavalry"... This probably means some 300-350 men. These are the casualties that the defeated side sustained, the side that broke and fled.... Fortunately, the cavalry soon regrouped and covered the retreat, else the casualties would be much more.

The cavalry maintained good order until reaching Gaza where some broke for their baggage. This was a battle of xystophoroi and only the defeated side's dead are listed.

Quote:The cavalry that took part in the fight (along with the rest of the wing, elephants, light infantry etc) is adequately described and mainly are lancers. Also, the "pantodapoi" are not cavalry of all sorts, but cavalry of other "places", more like allied cavalry, but this is a small detail.

Yes the pantodapoi are "allies"; they are cavalry of many races or nations. We can assume they are armed in their customary fashion (Asian and so are not Macedonian style xystophoroi).

Quote:Now, Demetrius has at least 1,500 lancers in his numbers and hid enemies array against him the strongest 3,000 of their own cavalry. Diodorus clearly says how the first attack was with the xyston lance and then with drawn swords. The battle is described as particularly vigorous and still... the side that breaks into flight only loses the most part of the 500+ casualties...

The pantodapoi are likely armed in their customary fashion (as above). Demetrius is surrounded by 500 xystophoroi and we can assume his "so called" companion cavalry are similar. That would give him 1,300.

Quote:Now, about Hephaesteon... the text actually reads :

"Ἡφαιστίων μὲν εἰς τὸν βραχίονα ξυστῷ βληθεὶς ἐτρώθη", which is translated as :

"Hephaestion was wounded by a xyston spear that was hurled on his arm." The text is very clear. It was no hand to hand thrust, it was a xyston that was thrown at him...

Which is really neither here nor there; he was hit by a xyston or a throwing spear (the latter given it was thrown).

Quote: Moreover, the somatophylacae are not counted among the hypaspistae. They are a small group of men that are supposed to be closest to Alexander and protect him always. In battle, they were not always beside him. They could even lead other units.

Which is the point re Arrian above. Arrian unarguably terms the agema of the hypaspists "somatophylakes" several times (as well as hetairoi, agema basilikon). At 1.24.1 he describes a Ptolemy son of Selecus as sōmatophulakōn tōn basilikōn but he is clearly not one of the seven. At 3.17.2 Alexander takes the "somatophylakas basilikous" and the hypaspists" (σωματοφύλακας τοὺς βασιλικοὺς καὶ τοὺς ὑπασπιστὰς). At 4.3.2 he does so again (σωματοφύλακας καὶ τοὺς ὑπασπιστὰς). The clincher is 4
30.3 where Alexander took some 700 of the "somatophylakon and the hypaspists" (ἀναλαβὼν τῶν σωματοφυλάκων καὶ τῶν ὑπασπιστῶν ἐς ἑπτακοσίους). Diodorus also refers to the paides basilikoi as "somatophylakes" and so it is clear that the ancient sources could refer to the agema of the hypaspists in this way (somatophylakes). Thus it is surely the "somatophylakes" (agema) that Hephaestion commands the agema of the hypaspists at Gaugamela and is wounded doing do. Whether the spear was thrown at him is not terribly important. Diodorus also describes spears as being hurled at Mantinea (362).